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Darby, John., and Knox, Colin. (2004) An Analysis of the Responses to the Shared Future Consulation
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Page Compiled: Martin Melaugh
The following page contains the Executive Summary from the report:
Darby, John., and Knox, Colin. (2004) 'A Shared Future': A Consultation Paper on Improving Relations in Northern Ireland, Final Report [An analysis of the responses to the Shared Future consulation], (21 January 2004), [PDF; 493KB]. Belfast: Community Relations Unit (CRU), Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM).
A Shared Future
on Improving Community Relations in Northern Ireland
Executive Summary
The Consultation Document A Shared Future on Improving Community Relations in Northern Ireland was launched in January 2003 and sought:
- To stimulate the widest possible debate on what the fundamental aims and objectives of a future policy should be, and the principles that should
underpin that policy.
- To obtain views on proposals for measures and actions that should be taken to achieve these aims and objectives.
The vision for future of Northern Ireland was expressed by the Government as
the choice between two alternatives:
- Accept that the existing patterns of segregation and division is likely to
remain for some time, and focus our efforts on stabilising and managing the
worst consequences of division, both between and within the two main
communities.
- Alternatively, we should try to promote rapid progress towards a more
integrated and shared society.
The majority view concurred with the vision of a more
shared and pluralist society, although many thought this was aspirational
rather than achievable in the short term. There was an acknowledgement that
due to the legacy of violence and continued political uncertainty, many could
not endorse this aspiration. Although these views are legitimate
(survey evidence suggests around 40% support existing segregation) and must be
respected, they should not constrain those who strive for a more shared
society. Some felt the two options were presented as alternative futures when
they should in fact be "overlapping realities" or sequential.
Government was urged by contributors to deliver policies for good relations
which will address the following (in rank order):
- Eliminate sectarianism and racism and to enable individuals to live and
work without fear or intimidation.
- Reduce tension and conflict at interface areas.
- Support the development of integrated/shared communities where people wish
to learn, live, work and play together.
To attain the goals of an integrated and shared society
there must a recognition that fear cements the status quo. "People's
lives must change significantly if they are to feel the sense of
safety/security necessary to enable them to engage with each other".
Sectarianism and racism must be tackled to alleviate fear.
Although there was clear support for targeting interface
areas because of the attendant violence and community tension, funding
should not reward "the bad behaviour syndrome". There are many non-violent
interfaces which deserve attention.
Integrated/shared communities is a middle class concept
predicated on people having the resources to make choices to live in this
way, in the absence of affordable mixed tenure housing. The business and
trade union sectors have much to offer from their experience of creating
neutral working environments.
There were recurring criticisms of Shared Future along the
following lines:
- The emphasis in the document is on community background as the major form
of division which overlooks other forms of division e.g. ethnicity, social
class, disability, or what was referred to as the bi-polar focus on community
relations problems.
- The document is based on a flawed analysis of the problem which sees its
source as the breakdown in relationships between the two traditional
communities and ignores the role of the state in both the initiation and
perpetuation of sectarianism.
- There cannot be good relations until there is equality of opportunity and
outcome and the full protection for human rights for all in society - "the
active promotion of equality can lead to good relations but not vice-versa".
The document therefore considers good relations in a policy vacuum.
The principles espoused by Government to underpin future policies,
strategies and actions were generally endorsed (viz: acknowledgement of the
problem; leadership; the need for long-term, cross-Government and co-ordinated
action; widespread ownership and engagement; importance of local action;
targeting; and the broader perspective). Two attracted particular attention.
The lack of leadership currently on offer from our politicians received much
criticism: "political leaders are mainstreaming sectarianism and blocking
democracy at the highest levels". The need for champions was highlighted
"those who will stand up and be counted, those who will create models of best
practice and those who will take risks for the furtherance of the strategy".
The implications for actions were discussed at three levels: local
government and community; regional bodies; and Government. In terms of local
government and the community, too many bodies were seen to contribute to the
community relations function with little apparent co-ordination. The Equality
Commission was applauded for raising legislative awareness of the multiple
facets of the equality agenda (beyond community background) through its
umbrella organisation but criticised for the perfunctory and mechanistic way
it performed its role, particularly by the business sector. Local councils
could play a greater role in the service delivery functions of good relations
but with conditions applied before allocating additional resources to them. A
more concerted approach is necessary amongst agencies (Housing Executive,
Roads Service, District Councils) in dealing with flags, murals and graffiti
to create a neutral living environment. The actual and potential role of the
voluntary and community, business and trade union sectors in addressing good
relations is currently undervalued and under-utilised. The voluntary and
community sector, in particular, has much to offer in terms of community
development, community relations and the 'new' agenda of good relations.
At regional level there was broad agreement on the need for an independent
body to undertake functions outlined in Shared Future (viz: oversight
of local councils; challenge function to Government; monitoring and
implementation of policies; training and development, support and guidance;
good practice guidance; public awareness; research; and funding organisations
to provide community relations capacity and programmes). There was much
uncertainty as to whether this independent body should be the existing
Community Relations Council, with an enhanced role. Other options were
outlined, to include its abolition and replacement by a Community Relations
Board, a Good Relations Commission or amalgamation into the Community
Relations Unit. The overwhelming opinion expressed was "the last thing we need
in Northern Ireland is another (community relations) body".
Respondents to the document saw the Government's role as initiating
new/stronger legislation, provision of financial support and promoting policy
changes in the area of good relations. Perhaps, most tellingly, one
contributor saw their most important role as "being there", an obvious
reference to the absence of the Assembly. In general terms, Government was
urged to take a cross-departmental approach which explicitly encouraged
"sharing over separation" in delivering services. Specifically, three public
policy areas attracted most attention: security/law and order; education; and
housing.
Government was implored to tackle the worst excesses of sectarianism as a
key element in promoting peace, allaying fear and encouraging the development
of good relations. This included confronting paramilitaries through
new/existing legislation and the police, removing the symbols of sectarianism
from neutral public space, and "putting the crime barons out of commission".
Education attracted an equal share of those in favour and against integrated
education. The pro-integration lobby argued that mixed schooling would have a
significant impact on good relations, and those against claimed that in a
pluralist society diversity should be welcome. Evidence that segregated
schools causes division, they suggested, is anecdotal. Shared Future
received criticism that housing was not proposed as a means of reducing
segregation and the facilitation of sharing. Housing agencies responded that
"the imperative of promoting good relations is to create real choice and not
to socially engineer communities".
There is an obvious need to monitor and evaluate the policy responses
which result for this consultation. Some views were expressed that the
document was too inward looking and could benefit from considering
international models. Consultees to the document suggested a list of
indicators broadly categorised under 3 headings: violence indicators; bridging
indicators; and indicators of attitude change. Omnibus survey respondents when
asked "what best indicates an improvement in relations between communities"
noted: a decrease in sectarian incidents; an increase in integrated education;
and an increase in cross-community contact and co-operation, respectively.
There were some unfavourable comparisons made with the Harbison Report
including the comment that Shared Future was "a long way from reality
and rather heady" whereas Harbison showed "a deeper understanding of the
complex and different levels at which work on good relations needs to happen".
The response to the consultation document has been hugely encouraging,
capturing a breadth of views. The consultation process itself was seriously
conceived and effectively executed. Crucially, however, consultees want to
know that their views will influence policy developments and the fruits of
their inputs communicated to them.
Acknowledgements
The authors of this report would like to acknowledge the
significant help, guidance and constructive comments provided by Billy Gamble,
Mary Bunting, Denis Ritchie, Dr. Stephen Donnelly, Stephen Hill, and Karen
Jardine from Office of the First and Deputy First Minister. We would
particularly like to thank Vincent Gribbin (OFMDFM) for his day-to-day
co-operation in completing the project, his patient response to our numerous
requests and efficiency in dealing with them. He also offered insightful
comments on drafts of the texts. The response to the consultation document has
been hugely impressive in both its quality and breadth. We therefore thank the
many anonymous civil servants who have made this possible, independent bodies
which assisted in facilitating the consultations and, most of all, those who
responded. We have enjoyed reading the responses and attempted to capture the
essence of over 500 submissions in an honest and balanced way. Any omissions,
however, remain the responsibility of the authors.
John Darby (University of Notre Dame)
Colin Knox (University of Ulster)
January 2004
See also the full report:
Darby, John., and Knox, Colin. (2004) 'A Shared Future': A Consultation Paper on Improving Relations in Northern Ireland, Final Report [An analysis of the responses to the Shared Future consulation], (21 January 2004), [PDF; 493KB]. Belfast: Community Relations Unit (CRU), Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM).
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