Centre Publications

Political Rituals: Loyalist Parades in Portadown

by Dominic Bryans, T.G. Fraser and Seamus Dunn
Published by the University of Ulster, Coleraine 1995
ISBN 1 85923 002 4
Paperback 74pp £4.00

Out of Print

This material is copyright of the Centre for the Study of Conflict and the author(s) and is included on the CAIN web site with the permission of the publisher. Reproduction or redistribution for commercial purposes is not permitted.

The Centre for the Study of Conflict is a research centre based in the University of Ulster. Its main work is the promotion and encouragement of research on the community conflict and to this end it concentrates on practical issues to do with institutional and community structures and change. It publishes papers and books arising out of this work including: a series of research papers particularly designed to make available research data and reports; a series of Majority-Minority reports; and a series of occasional papers by distinguished academics in the field of conflict.

This paper is a new publication by Dominic Bryan, T. G. Fraser and Seamus Dunn, which looks at Loyalist Parades in Portadown. The brief of this project is to place, and thereby investigate, parades in the political, religious, social and cultural life of Northem Ireland. Further to this objective, the authors seek to examine the controversy surrounding the concept of 'tradition'.

This paper is one of a set of new publications which the Centre will produce over the next few months, on topics such as the Role of the Police, Education for Mutual Understanding, Sport and Community Relations in Northem Ireland and the Quaker Peace Education Project.

Seamus Dunn
June 1995.

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Update: July 1995
Since this report was sent to the printers there have been significant changes in the situation in Portadown which might allow us to be more optimistic. In July 1995, with the paramilitary cease-fires still holding, Portadown again became the centre of the world's attention. In an apparent change of policy the RUC decided to block the return of the Drumcree church parade on Sunday 9 July which was due to follow a route down the Garvaghy Road. This came after similar decisions over parades on the Ormeau Road in Belfast. The Garvaghy Road Residence Association, an amalgamation of political and local groups including the Drumcree Faith and Justice group, mounted a demonstration in opposition to the parade. There followed a 48 hour stand-off in which a large number of Orangemen and their supporters camped out at the church determined that they would be allowed to march. On the Monday evening thousands of loyalists attended a rally at the church and were addressed by, among others, Ian Paisley. As tension rose angry crowds attacked the assembled ranks of riot police and attempted to find a way through to the Garvaghy Road across the fields. The situation was only diffused by continuing talks between unionist politicians, senior local Orangemen, the RUC and mediators who were in touch with the Garvaghy Road residence group. The use of professional mediators was a significant development, but it was also significant that some well-known members of local loyalist paramilitary groups also appeared to be present and to be involved to some degree in the proceedings.

The result of the skilfully conducted negotiations was that the members of Portadown No.1 District were allowed to parade down the Garvaghy Road on the Tuesday morning without their bands or supporters. As part of the agreement the parades on the Twelfth and thirteenth were routed away from the Garvaghy Road. Whilst Paisley, Trimble and many Orangemen treated the agreement as a victory it would appear that the compromise reached does offer some hope for the future. In the short term the result of those negotiations almost certainly acted to reduce the tensions in Northern Ireland over the period of the Twelfth. In the longer term it might be that this soft of resolution can offer a blueprint for other areas of contention.

The issue of the 'right to march' is not likely to go away and that was made clear when, just hours after an agreement was found in Portadown, an agreement over the parades on the Ormeau Road collapsed. Nevertheless, a reduction in the level of violence brought about by the cease-fires, has allowed significant negotiations on local disputes. There is general agreement that in an ideal society the right to parade and demonstrate is fundamental. The problem is how to impose the necessary restrictions that have to be laid upon these rights, without leading particular communities to view those restrictions as an attack upon their integrity. It is important that there are neither losers nor winners.

Recent events in Portadown have yet again shown us that government and politicians have to face up to these problems. Whilst senior politicians spend much of their time discussing framework documents the majority of people understand their politics through parades, flags, anthems, sports and cultural events. Policy makers should therefore not view these things as ephemeral, for it is around such issues that future solutions can be won or lost.

Dominic Bryan
T G Fraser
Seamus Dunn

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During 1985 and 1986, the town of Portadown, in County Armagh was shaken by a series of violent civil disturbances which were significant even in terms of the recent troubled history of Northern Ireland, and perhaps unique given the town's relatively small population of 30,000. In the period from the spring of 1985 to the autumn of 1986 there were six major riots and a catalogue of incidents both in the town centre and in surrounding housing estates. As a direct result of the violence, one man died from injuries sustained from a plastic bullet fired by police, a large number of civilians and police officers and their families were injured, and millions of pounds of damage was caused to property. The relationship between the police and the local community was so seriously damaged that, although matters have improved, there can be no doubt that the RUC came to be viewed differently by many as a consequence of those two summers. The relationship between the Protestant and Roman Catholic communities in the town, uneasy prior to 1985, worsened dramatically. Further, a number of organisations, unionist and nationalist, arose as a result of these events, while still others were substantively affected by what had taken place. It is also reasonable to assume that these events had an influence on the policy of the RUC towards parades and upon the understanding of unionist and nationalist positions in British and Irish political circles.

The issue that ignited the trouble was 'the right to march'; specifically, the insistence by a number of Protestant organisations that they should be allowed to parade along roads they followed for many years despite the objections of a large majority of the Roman Catholic, nationalist community on parts of the route. Disputes over parade routes have a long history in Ireland but to understand fully what is taking place it is important to examine particular political and social situations. As such, the conflict in Portadown cannot be divorced from the wider political issues, in particular the relationship between the British and Irish governments at the time and the consequent increased suspicion and alienation that this had produced amongst Protestants. Equally hard to study, but also significant, are the particular local political variations which impinged upon the more general issue.

This report examines some of the details of the local conflict over those two years and places them within their broader historical and political context. Further, attempts to apply a certain degree of theoretical understanding which will allow comparative material to be used to explore the general nature of political rituals. Whilst it should be recognised that specific situations have to be examined to appreciate particular events, there can be no doubt that there are elements of what took place which are common to most societies. It is important to examine specifics but also to generalise without stereotyping. We might also question the widespread assumption that Northern Ireland is in some way trapped in its history since, on the contrary, research into public rituals, such as these parades, suggest that they are a dynamic resource used by a variety of political groups.

Whilst the material gathered is sufficient to allow more than speculation, it certainly has some limitations. The bulk of the research was based upon newspapers with all the problems associated with such a source. It is hoped that any errors in detail that might appear do not detract from the general argument. Nevertheless, it is as well to remember that the media play an important role in fashioning perceptions and are active in constructing and reconstructing the meanings of these very public events. Newspaper research was supported by other material which also provides a window through which to view the subject. Publications by the Orange Order, the Drumcree Faith and Justice Group, and paramilitary magazines all give indications of the thinking of various political groups. These printed sources have been supplemented by a small number of informal interviews with some of the interested parties. Although they do no more than reveal some of the prevailing attitudes towards the parading issue in Portadown, and are in no way a quantifiable survey, their insights are particularly useful.

To set what took place in some context we will first briefly examine the parading tradition in Ireland with particular reference to loyalist organisations. This will be followed by a short review of some of the ways in which rituals can be examined. Before looking in detail at the specifics of events in the mid 1980s, we will view Portadown in terms of its history and geography with particular reference to parades dating from the 1950s. When these details have been examined along with the events of 1985 and 1986, as well as their repercussions, we will attempt a practical and theoretical analysis and speculate on possible resolutions.

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During 1985 and 1986, the town of Portadown, in County Armagh was shaken by a series of violent civil disturbances which were significant even in terms of the recent troubled history of Northern Ireland, and perhaps unique given the town's relatively small population of 30,000. In the period from the spring of 1985 to the autumn of 1986 there were six major riots and a catalogue of incidents both in the town centre and in surrounding housing estates. As a direct result of the violence, one man died from injuries sustained from a plastic bullet fired by police, a large number of civilians and police officers and their families were injured, and millions of pounds of damage was caused to property. The relationship between the police and the local community was so seriously damaged that, although matters have improved, there can be no doubt that the RUC came to be viewed differently by many as a consequence of those two summers. The relationship between the Protestant and Roman Catholic communities in the town, uneasy prior to 1985, worsened dramatically. Further, a number of organisations, unionist and nationalist, arose as a result of these events, while still others were substantively affected by what had taken place. It is also reasonable to assume that these events had an influence on the policy of the RUC towards parades and upon the understanding of unionist and nationalist positions in British and Irish political circles.

The issue that ignited the trouble was 'the right to march'; specifically, the insistence by a number of Protestant organisations that they should be allowed to parade along roads they followed for many years despite the objections of a large majority of the Roman Catholic, nationalist community on parts of the route. Disputes over parade routes have a long history in Ireland but to understand fully what is taking place it is important to examine particular political and social situations. As such, the conflict in Portadown cannot be divorced from the wider political issues, in particular the relationship between the British and Irish governments at the time and the consequent increased suspicion and alienation that this had produced amongst Protestants. Equally hard to study, but also significant, are the particular local political variations which impinged upon the more general issue.

This report examines some of the details of the local conflict over those two years and places them within their broader historical and political context. Further, attempts to apply a certain degree of theoretical understanding which will allow comparative material to be used to explore the general nature of political rituals. Whilst it should be recognised that specific situations have to be examined to appreciate particular events, there can be no doubt that there are elements of what took place which are common to most societies. It is important to examine specifics but also to generalise without stereotyping. We might also question the widespread assumption that Northem Ireland is in some way trapped in its history since, on the contrary, research into public rituals, such as these parades, suggest that they are a dynamic resource used by a variety of political groups.

Whilst the material gathered is sufficient to allow more than speculation, it certainly has some limitations. The bulk of the research was based upon newspapers with all the problems associated with such a source. It is hoped that any errors in detail that might appear do not detract from the general argument. Nevertheless, it is as well to remember that the media play an important role in fashioning perceptions and are active in constructing and reconstructing the meanings of these very public events. Newspaper research was supported by other material which also provides a window through which to view the subject. Publications by the Orange Order, the Drumcree Faith and Justice Group, and paramilitary magazines all give indications of the thinking of various political groups. These printed sources have been supplemented by a small number of informal interviews with some of the interested parties. Although they do no more than reveal some of the prevailing attitudes towards the parading issue in Portadown, and are in no way a quantifiable survey, their insights are particularly useful.

To set what took place in some context we will first briefly examine the parading tradition in Ireland with particular reference to loyalist organisations. This will be followed by a short review of some of the ways in which rituals can be examined. Before looking in detail at the specifics of events in the mid 1980s, we will view Portadown in terms of its history and geography with particular reference to parades dating from the 1950s. When these details have been examined along with the events of 1985 and 1986, as well as their repercussions, we will attempt a practical and theoretical analysis and speculate on possible resolutions.

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Towards the end of 1994 all major paramilitary groups had announced cease-fires. Thus, Northern Ireland had entered a new political phase. The relationship between political communities can take place on many levels. Indeed, the expression of conflict for most of the community, is not through direct physical violence, but rather through the rituals and symbols that assert and reassert identity. Because the symbols used tend to draw upon the past for their political legitimacy the impression of stasis is often given; of an unchanging situation with communities 'trapped in their history'. However, partial as the foregoing description of the recent history of parades in Portadown may be, it reveals a complex network of political groups, sometimes in the form of political parties, seeking to utilise the parading 'tradition' in a rapidly changing political context. Far from finding a static political environment, we find politicians and political groups within the wider communities reacting in a variety of ways, with often violent intensity, to the developing circumstances. Adjustments to change are central to the politics of Northern Ireland, albeit often manifested through 'traditional' symbols.

There can be no doubt that parades celebrating the Williamite campaign in Ireland have come to play a central symbolic role within Protestant political culture in Northern Ireland. From the foundation of the state of Northern Ireland until the collapse of Stormont in 1972, these political rituals found their place in providing an identity for a relatively buoyant unionist political community. Furthermore, and just as importantly, the organisations that in the main controlled the major events, particularly the Orange Institution, provided significant political and economic patronage for those involved. The celebration reflected an alliance between the Protestant working class and a political elite which was clearly hegemonic, although the relationship was not without the tensions resulting from conflicting class interests. However, social and economic changes played their part in inducing a political crisis in this relationship. Significantly higher rates of unemployment and the reduced ability of the local private sector to provide employment, and the disempowerment of the political elite after 1972 - caused by the collapse of Stormont - seems to have created greater alienation within the Protestant working class such that the parades, particularly in the industrialised towns, could became an expression of opposition to the state. The state, and specifically its law enforcement arms - the RUC and the Army - were perceived as being run from London by politicians not voted for by anyone in Northern Ireland. That the security forces often seemed unable to seriously disrupt the campaign waged by the IRA could only add to dissatisfaction. These incidents, particularly those from 1966 to 1976 and in the mid 1980s seem to be a clear indication of this process. Significant groups participating in the parades became 'dissenters', utilising rituals that had been conservative celebrations of the status quo.

This process is perhaps most obvious when viewing the increased popularity of the 'blood and thunder' bands and the apparent reduction in popularity of the Orange lodges themselves, particularly among the young²⁴⁵. A comparison of the parades in Belfast, Lurgan, Lisburn, Portadown and the town of Antrim with those found in the more rural and middle class settings of North Down and parts of County Antrim is stark. In the former one finds a predominance of 'blood and thunder' bands giving highly masculine, competitive performances cheered on by spectators, most particularly groups of teenage girls who attach themselves to particular bands. If women are involved in the band it is nearly always in the 'colour party' carrying flags and maybe a band bannerette. On these occasions alcohol is often in evidence and the atmosphere is carnavalesque. There is an evident friction between these bands and authority, whether that authority be the Orange Institution running the event or the RUC policing it. On the other hand, the country parades of Saintfield or Scarva have many more silver bands, part-music flute bands and pipe bands, from which a more orderly military decorum is forthcoming. These bands tend to have a membership of women and girls as well as men and consequently do not have the mobile support of teenage girls following them on the parade. They also tend not to carry flags and will have no more than the name of the band on the large bass drum.

Due perhaps to the perception that the bands are part of the Orange Institution, press reports often concentrate on senior political figures and ignore the particular role of bands within these events. In a sense, the only representative 'voice' these bands have is through the parades. With one exception loyalist marching bands have received little academic attention (Bell 1990). Nevertheless, it is clear that the police were concerned about the role of the 'blood and thunder' bands²⁴⁶, and it is also evident that officials of the loyal institutions found themselves unable to control the parades in the way they might have liked. Saying this is not to apportion blame, nor to suggest that there is no connection between bands and the Orangemen that they march with. It is rather to say that the growth and development of a particular type of band has had an important effect on the nature of certain parades and is indicative of important economic, social and cultural changes that have taken place over the last thirty years. The 'blood and thunder' bands provide a popular outlet for young working class Protestants, many of whom see little attraction in being a member of an Orange lodge. At a time of increased alienation for Protestants, the bands are able to express a dissatisfaction with the state, as represented by the police, in a way that is an anathema to many older Orangemen. The tensions within this situation can be seen in the propensity of a few of the bands to display Ulster Independence flags, even if they carry them along side Northern Ireland and Union flags.

To an extent such a division is mirrored in the reaction of the unionist political parties to parading issues. The DUP has no formal connection to any of the loyalist parading institutions. The Apprentice Boys and Independent Orange Order tend towards a more independent unionist position and during 1985 and 1986 the DUP was more forthright in its condemnation of re-routing and more critical of police and government tactics. The UUP, with its institutional link to the Orange Institution, is clearly against the re-routing but shows more respect towards the role of the police within the state. Indeed, even if this formal link should be broken, some have argued, the relationship between the hierarchy of the Orange Institution and the UUP would still be very close, and we would be unlikely to see the UUP response to the issue of parades differ from that of the Orange Institution. Whilst not wanting to make too much of the political differentiation, one might broadly suggest that the UUP sees its likely electors in the Orange lodges, whilst the DUP might find more support within the 'blood and thunder' bands. This is bound to affect their reaction to events such as those that took place in Portadown.

But it would be wrong to simplify the position of the Orange Institution. Its brethren carry a wide range of political views which at one extreme might support Ulster Independence, and at the other the Alliance Party. The various lodges within the Institution have their own identities and a certain amount of independence from the district, and county lodges, as well as from the Grand Lodge. So whilst it may be reasonable to attempt to characterise the general politics of the Institution in terms of the UUP, at 'grass roots level' there would be many dissenting voices. This can again be seen in the various reactions to the re-routing issue in Portadown. Some decisions made by Orangemen, such as staying at home or going to the County parade when asked to stay in Portadown, were made on an individual level, whilst others reflected the decisions of particular lodges.

It may be possible to take this analysis further. We are suggesting that control of the parade is contested within the unionist community. A number of political figures follow certain strategies to maximise their 'political capital'. The Rev. Ian Paisley has no role within the Orange Institution, but nevertheless played a prominent role in the debate. When, on the Twelfth 1986, Paisley described Portadown as a dispute about 'obedience and submission to Dublin', Martin Smyth reminded members of the Institution that only he, and not Paisley, dealt on behalf of the Orange Order. Paisley, Smith argued, could only appeal to 'non-Orangemen'. Similarly, Walter Williams, in his capacity within the Orange Order, promised that the Institution would clamp down on outside elements. On the other hand, UDA leaders, such as John McMichael, were keen to give the impression that they were in control of events and that it was the UDA that could stem the violence. Indeed, at one point after Easter 1986, we find McMichael claiming that they had advised the Apprentice Boys not to hold their proposed 5 May parade. George Seawright made appearances at various times in Portadown and, whilst welcomed by some, was also seen by others as an outsider.

The roles played by these politicians, and the diffuse nature of the authority over the parades, is also reflected in the discourse that is used. An interesting example of this is the legitimisation of events by appealing to history. It may be that it is precisely at those times when senior Orangemen have lost influence over the ritual events, that they are likely to resort to an appeal to 'tradition'. They are, in effect, using an idea of historical lineage to reassert control. Most obviously, on a number of occasions, the memory of William Johnston of Ballykilbeg is invoked. What makes this appeal so ironic, is that Johnston himself organised Orange parades, in the late 1860s, against the will of the Grand Lodge and very much appropriated the Twelfth rituals for his own political agenda.

Behind the apparent unity of an 'Orange parade' is a complex political event encapsulating diverse political motivations. During 1985 and 1986 the parades were utilised by those intent on expressing a direct opposition to the state. This situation appears to have largely arisen out of the perception, whether actual or fostered by particular politicians, that policies in Northern Ireland were being driven by the relationship between London and Dublin rather than by the will of a 'majority' of people in Northern Ireland. Whatever the truth behind the policing policies over the parades, what the months of controversy and conflict do show us is the role played by a central cultural symbol, loyalist parades, within the politics of Northern Ireland. These parades, far from reflecting historical stasis, act as a cultural resource, indicative of economic, political, and cultural change, and utilised in an ongoing and developing political arena.

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The Orange Order in Portadown
One of the aspects the situation in Portadown that has obviously left certain Orangemen somewhat bemused is the fact that they are now permitted to march some distance down the Garvaghy Road, a large nationalist area and a roundabout route to the town centre, and yet are banned from proceeding down the few hundred yards of Obins Street. The logic of this seems to be one of pragmatic policing: it is easier to police the wide open area in the Garvaghy Road than the enclosed Tunnel area. Brethren of the Orange Institution feel particularly aggrieved over the Drumcree church parade, since, as one Orangemen put it 'we are just walking to church'. The position regarding the use of Obins Street is clearly not liked but seems to be accepted; after all they are unlikely to be invited back through the Tunnel area in the near future.

The more general feeling of alienation amongst many of the Protestant community is perhaps worse now than it was in the mid 1980s. As recent studies have suggested, many Protestants perceive the political situation to be weighted against them (Dunn and Morgan 1994, Bruce 1994). The loss of Stormont and the implementation of the Anglo-Irish Agreement are the obvious political landmarks that Protestants might point to, but the perception that the IRA have somehow bombed their way to the negotiating table, and that Fair Employment legislation means Roman Catholics have a better chance of getting jobs than Protestants, are frequently raised. The distrust of the British Government is as great as ever. The Government claimed that they were not talking to Sinn Féin, when they were, and they claim that the Union is not in question but apparently have no selfish, strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland. Such a lack of trust between parties is hardly likely to foster possible resolutions.

If the events of Portadown have any lasting effect, it may be in terms of the relationship between the police and the Protestant community. Whilst there is not the complete breakdown between the police and the local population that there appears to have been in 1985/86, perceptions of the role of the police were certainly altered during that period. It is interesting to note many of the stories that circulated at the time. From various sources come the rumours that many of the policemen in the DMSUs were Catholic, or that they were members of the Garda, or that they were English soldiers dressed as policemen. These stories, when combined with the consistent belief that the police were doing the bidding of the Dublin government, turned the RUC into the 'out group'. They were no longer seen as 'one of us'. Add to this the also regularly expressed idea that the local policemen had advised senior RUC officers against such rerouting, and one appears to have interesting psychological justifications for what took place.

Whilst these perceptions make the position of the Orange Order and many of the bandsmen and supporters easier to understand, we should also be clear that an argument that 'we are just following tradition' masks the reality of the great changes that the parades have undergone. The Orange parades tend to reflect the political conflict of today as much as reflect upon the past. For instance, one can not understand a brightly coloured UVF flag now in the same way one might have done so in 1954. The flags carried have not specifically arisen as an issue in Portadown, but the behaviour of some bands and some of the music played clearly have. It had been noted, for instance, that the decorum of the last two Drumcree Church parades (1993 and 1994) has improved.

The Garvaghy Road Residents
There appears to be no doubt of the widespread opposition to the parades. The DFJ in a survey claimed that over 90% wanted the parades to stop. In their newsletter they also printed some of the comments of local people who obviously feel that only physical opposition will be sufficient to have the parades re-routed again. Residents have feelings that range from mild annoyance to those of fear, threat and anger.

On one level the DFJ have a reasonably sophisticated argument about the rights of different groups to their 'space' and suggest that a conflict of rights, such as those in Drumcree, can only be solved by the 'voluntary constraint of both communities'. An example of such a constraint might be that the local community centre does not fly the tricolour on St Patrick's day. Members of the group also point out that nationalist bands in the area that might shout IRA slogans should be seen in the same light as their loyalist counterparts. They claim as an ideal solution 'a united Portadown where the identity of each person is proudly held and publicly celebrated '²⁴⁷.

This having been said, the DFJ also indulge in some territorial rhetoric.

'The Robin and the Orangeman
One of the most territorial animals is the little Robin red-breast. The Robin will try and kill to defend its hedge territory or die rather than giving it up. Its instinct identifies territory as a fundamentally necessary for its life.

In Northern Ireland the Unionist community, through the Orange movement, have Shown similar instinct by marching through nationalist areas. All of us, like animals need territory for our human communities. However unlike animals how we satisfy our need is not pre-programmed in our instinct. We have to use our own heads to work out how best to live. What's more, there are right and wrong ways of using our heads'

DFJ News July 1994.

Such an analysis has the effect of hiding the complexities of the situation. A parade is more than just a marking of territory, it is a central cultural icon. It is not taking place simply to give an aggressive message to the nationalist community, but is, for many, symbolic of the identity of the Protestant community. It plays a specific political role within that community and is therefore a political resource within the politics of unionism. This research project has, gone some way to show that the Orange parades are also occasions for the playing out, and resolution, of conflicts within the Protestant community. As the events of 1985/86 indicate, an attack upon 'the right to march' down one street can have major consequences for Orange and unionist politics.

This is not to justify the status quo but to try and introduce an understanding beyond one that argues that all Orangemen are doing is banging the drum to reassert the ascendancy thereby annoying Roman Catholics.

The Police
In a sense all one can do in a limited piece of research such as this is point out the difficulties involved in the policing of such events, rather than come up with any answers. In this regard it is interesting to return to the earlier comparison with the Notting Hill Carnival. Both the Twelfth and Carnival parades are complex events and both involve a diverse set of groups. Whilst both events have institutional structures which appear to be in formal control of the events it is quite clear that the power to run these occasions is both diffuse and contested. Also, these public rituals can be particularly emotional social occasions involving a heightened sense of community and identity. In such circumstances it will always be difficult for the civil authorities to act.

To further complicate matters, it is also clear that the police are not neutral arbiters, despite what senior officers might claim or believe. A police service is always an arm of the state but in Northern Ireland the relationship is particularly close. Even if police actions were not directly at the behest of politicians, it is politicians, and government policy, that provide the political environment within which the actions of the police are perceived. The police, like it or not, end up representing the state on the ground. They inevitably become part of the symbolic structure of the public displays. Under difficult conditions they can quickly become 'the opposition'. Indeed, the civil disturbances in Portadown point to this process particularly well since, unlike the situation at Carnival in London or a nationalist parade in Northern Ireland, those taking part in the various loyalist parades would, in the main, perceive the police as part of their community²⁴⁸.

Possible Resolutions
The ethnic identities in Ireland, north and south, are in great measure formed around an opposition to 'the other'. We are inevitably tied to a situation whereby an event that residents in nationalist areas perceive as triumphalist and threatening, plays for loyalists a central role in the formation and reformation of their cultural identity. Thus an attempt to have a parade banned or re-routed is perceived by Orangemen as an attack on Protestantism itself, just as the parades themselves are perceived as an unnecessary invasion of nationalist territory by residents of the Garvaghy Road. We can be under no illusions about the situation that has arisen in Portadown. It is part, indeed almost emblematic, of the wider political problem. Communities that live in fear of violence are going to find it very difficult to resolve such disputes on a local level. It seems that the police have found their solution in the short term based on pragmatism. Whilst they may not find it easy to police the parades the security forces would probably view it is a vast improvement on the mid 1980s.

There are, nevertheless, some interesting aspects that might bear thinking about. In some senses the nationalist position on Orange parades is contradictory. For any resolution in terms of a united Ireland, nationalists would need, to a degree, to embrace the Orange, which after all appears on the tricolour. One can see such processes ritually played out in other countries. For instance, the opening ceremonies of the last two Commonwealth games, in Auckland, New Zealand (1990) and Victoria, Canada (1994), have in great measure expressed the diversity of those two countries. The Maoris of New Zealand have come to play an important part in the identity that country expresses to the outside world. Not that this has resolved internal differences, or that the minority groups in those countries find themselves in a position of parity, but there is a pride in a variety of cultures²⁴⁹. Presumably an Irish identity would need to further foster varieties of Irishness²⁵⁰. Of course, this greater 'inclusiveness' of identity works both ways. Within the state of Northern Ireland ideas of 'Britishness' must be extended. However, it is clear that, as suggested above, in any situation of violence and fear such understanding is unlikely.

Members of the Orange Institution are quick to use 'tradition' to legitimise their position. Bearing in mind what this research has tried to show, the idea of 'tradition' deserves closer scrutiny. Parades have not remained the same, and this is obvious even from talking to older Orangemen. The types of bands, many of the tunes played, the behaviour of the spectators and the flags carried are all significantly different from thirty years ago. It must be the responsibility of the Orange Institution to be aware of these things. The Drumcree Church parade in the 1950s and early 1960s appeared to have in it two or three accordion, silver, or old style flute bands that only played hymns. If a church parade is about simply going to church, then it should be just that. Further, respect for others demands that one does not force them to listen to something then are not happy about. If Orangemen and their bands were to walk quietly through nationalist areas, as a religious institution playing hymns, then it is harder to see any argument for keeping them from any area, including Obins Street, as being valid.

Central to the Orange Institution is the principle of 'civil and religious liberty'. The practical ramifications of the ideal of liberty are great and have been an issue for all states that purport to be liberal and democratic. To what extent should one extend the freedom of expression? Are those who do not recognise the state as presently constituted to be given full rights in that state? For instance, should the 'right to march' claimed by the Orange Order be a right to march for everyone? If nationalists want to march through their town on St Patrick's day, then should that right in principle be respected?

In the end, without a broader political resolution, it seems unlikely that any accommodation other than the heavily policed one we presently have will be found. Perhaps the only start that can be made for the time being is to attempt to understand events like Twelfth parades in their totality. They are complex occasions involving numerous different groups, taking part and spectating, and they engage a number of interlocking functions. Over the past two hundred years Twelfth parades have, to a greater or lesser extent, played a significant role in the politics of communities in Ulster. A change in the political environment has a direct effect on the events and the reaction of a variety of political groups towards them. They are a political and cultural resource, the control and meaning of which is often contested. This may mean that in a period when political violence is at a significantly lower level symbolic ritual events such as these assume even greater importance. However, their ability to endure as long-term symbols of religious, cultural, and political aspirations, whilst undergoing changes of outward form, is perhaps a sign of hope.

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Notes

Click on the icon to return to the text reference.

PT - Portadown Times, CT - Craigavon Times, PN - Portadown News, NL- Newsletter, IN - Irish News, BTEL - Belfast Telegraph, NW - Northern Whig, OS - Orange Standard, SN - Sunday News, DT - Daily Telegraph, DE - Daily Express, IT - Irish Times, G - Guardian, II-Irish Independent, FT - Financial Times, SP- Sunday Press.

²⁴⁵ This process it must be said is extremely difficult to judge and whilst some Orangemen would agree with us on this process others feel that there are young people entering the Institution in greater numbers. The role of population changes and class are also important and may particularly have affected Belfast.

²⁴⁶ BTEL 1/5/86.

²⁴⁷ Drumcree Faith and Justice Group News Vol.2 No2 July 1994.

²⁴⁸ Particular thanks go to David Officer for an interesting discussion we had on these issues.

²⁴⁹ David Officer has pointed out to me that one must take great care in offering easy examples, and that the expression of a variety of cultures can only be made when it does not pose a deep threat to unity. For instance, The Maoris had to be defeated militarily before they could be incorporated to some extent into a New Zealand identity.

²⁵⁰ President Mary Robinson's recent involvement in Armistice Day commemorations provides an interesting example of the possibilities.

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