Centre for the Study of Conflict
School of History, Philosophy and Politics,
Faculty of Humanities, University of Ulster
Majority Minority Review 1: Education in a Divided Society
by A M Gallagher
Published by the University of Ulster, Coleraine 1995, second edition.
ISBN 1 85923 003 2
Paperback 81pp £4.00
Copies are available in bookshops or, by post, from:
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Majority Minority Review 1
Second Edition
Education in a Divided Society
A Review of Research and Policy
by A M Gallagher
Centre for the Study of Conflict
University of Ulster
PREFACE
The Centre for the Study of Conflict is a research centre based in the
University of Ulster. Its main work is the promotion and encouragement
of research on the community conflict and to this end it concentrates on
practical issues to do with institutional and community structures and
change. It publishes papers and books arising out of this work
including: a series of research papers particularly designed to make
available research data and reports; a series of Majority-Minority
reports; and a series of occasional papers by distinguished academics in
the field of conflict.
This is a republication of A. M. Gallagher's
paper on Education and Religion in Northern Ireland. It has been
out of print for some time and is still much in demand. It is one of a
set of new publications which the Centre will produce over the next few
months, on topics such as Education for Mutual
Understanding, Peace Education, Sport, Parades, the Role of the
Police and Classroom Mediation.
Seamus Dunn
June 1995.
Return to publication contents
FOREWORD
The Majority Minority review is a series published by the Centre for the
Study of Conflict, University of Ulster. The series reviews published
research on the comparative material conditions of the two main
communities in Northern Ireland. Issues of the Review to date have
examined evidence on education, employment and unemployment, and
housing. Issues under preparation will consider deprivation and health,
and the administration of justice. The aim of the series is to provide
an impartial commentary which will inform readers of up-to-date research
findings and enable them to monitor developments over a period of time.
The Centre for the Study of Conflict has a long-term commitment to
publish the Review.
Since the first issue of the Review was published in 1989 a number of
significant changes have occurred in the education system in Northern
Ireland. It was considered appropriate, therefore, to issue a second
edition of that report. The most significant change has been the passage
of the Education Reform Order (ERO) (1989), a legislative development in
many ways comparable with the sea-change initiated by the Education Act
(1947). The ERO introduced many of the education reforms established in
England and Wales under the Education Reform Act (1988), but included a
number of important features that were particular to the context of
Northern Ireland. Thus, the education reforms include a common
curriculum, local management of schools, a higher degree of school choice
for parents and, in order to inform choice, a larger amount of
educational data in the public domain. The features more specific to
Northern Ireland include the option for parents in an existing school to
vote to change its status to an integrated school, a commitment on the
part of government to encourage the development of more integrated
schools and the incorporation of two cross-curricular themes linked to
community relations issues (Education for Mutual Understanding (EMU) and
Cultural Heritage) into the common curriculum. In addition, contact
programmes between Protestant and Catholic schools are encouraged,
although not mandated, under EMU and is supported by funds from the
department of Education (DENI). It will be seen in many sections of this
report that a high priority for future research will be to monitor and
evaluate the impact of these reforms, a task that will be simpler than in
the past because of the new availability of information and data.
Another important change has occurred in DENI policy towards the parallel
religious school systems since the last report was completed. Following
a series of research studies funded by the Standing Advisory Commission
on Human Rights (SACHR) the DENI permitted schools other than controlled
and integrated schools to receive 100 per cent capital grants if they
agreed to a change in the composition of their governing bodies. In
addition, the DENI agreed to monitor the impact of policy and practice on
the parallel religious school systems and the integrated sector.
Additional funds were found to increase the number of places in the
Catholic grammar sector and changes were made to the arrangements for the
recovery of grant when a school is closed or replaced. The research
funded by SACHR, and detailed in its annual reports to parliament,
covered research into each of these specific policy areas, but went much
further in providing a wide range of data on many current aspects of the
education system in Northern Ireland and how that system has developed.
SACHR's continuing interest in this area is not focused on school
performance and school effectiveness.
Since the previous edition of this report a significant number of
research publications have been produced: many of the main publications
were consulted for this second edition and can be found in the
bibliography. More generally, five books have been published in this
period and anyone wishing to gain more detailed information on current
debates and developments in the education system in Northern Ireland will
find much valuable information included in them. Caul (1990) provides a
series of chapters on various aspects of the school system in Northern
Ireland, while Osborne, Cormack and Gallagher (1993) and Caul (1993)
focus more specifically on the situation since the education reforms were
introduced. The book by Moffatt (1993) provides the most detailed
account of the integrated sector in Northern Ireland, including evidence
on its development, practice and consequences, while Gillespie, Lovett
and Gamer (1992) provide a valuable insight into youth culture in West
Belfast. The Centre for the Study of Conflict continues to publish
research reports on various aspects of education in Northern Ireland: a
full list of centre reports is included at the end of the bibliography.
AM Gallagher,
July 1994.
Return to publication contents
SECTION ONE: OPPORTUNITY AND OPTION
This section presents a brief summary of the
structure of Northern Ireland's educational system and the choices
available to pupils at various stages within the system. Table
1 summarises the opportunities and options available to pupils
and provides a basis for the following discussion. It should
be noted that the period of compulsory education begins at about
the age of five and ends at the age of sixteen. The majority
of pupils in Northern Ireland will experience seven years of primary
education and five years of post-primary education.
Pre-school Children
Nursery education is not compulsory
and provision is therefore limited. A report by the Northern
Ireland Council for Educational Research (NICER) estimated that
in 1985 nursery places were available for 13% of the three and
four year olds in Northern Ireland (Wells and Burke, 1986; see
also, Foote, 1980d). These places were available in 140 nursery
schools and units which were concentrated in urban areas, particularly
Belfast, (London)Derry, Newtownabbey and Craigavon. The majority
(70%) of the nurseries had been opened between 1974 and 1980.
Given the interest of the present study, it should be noted that
3 in every 4 of these nurseries were in the Controlled (Protestant)
sector while the remainder were under Maintained (Catholic) management
committees.
The 1947 Education Act
The structure of the education
system in Northern Ireland has been largely shaped by the 1947
Education Act. Prior to the Act most people experienced only
primary education, in the National Elementary Schools. A minority
went onto secondary (grammar) schools. Entry to these schools
was obtained by paying fees or gaining one of a limited number
of scholarships, offered through competitive examinations by the
Ministry of Education.
The central feature of the 1947 Act was to
provide secondary education for all pupils with the age of transfer
from primary to secondary set at eleven years (Wilson, 1987).
Following the 1944 Act in England and Wales,
the Northern Ireland Act recognised three types of secondary school:
secondary grammar, secondary technical and secondary intermediate.
In fact the secondary technical schools failed to attract a significant
number of pupils so that by the late 1950s and early 1960s a bilateral
system of secondary education became established. The two school
types in the bilateral system are normally referred to simply
as grammar and secondary schools.
The Growth of Secondary Education
After 1947 grammar schools continued
to charge fees for pupils. Since the Act provided each child
with the opportunity of a grammar school education, the Ministry
of Education operated a selection procedure in order to identify
those pupils most able for the academic curriculum of the grammar
schools. Pupils selected under the procedure would have their
fees paid for by the Ministry. The grammar schools were permitted
to continue to take a limited number of fee-paying pupils.
Unlike the rest of the United Kingdom, selection
at eleven remains the predominant form of transfer from primary
to secondary education in Northern Ireland. Between 1981 and
1985, for example, some 90% of pupils were involved with the selective
procedure. The remaining 10% of pupils were involved with alternative
transfer systems available in Northern Ireland (Wilson, 1986).
In 1969 a system of delayed selection was established
in the Craigavon area (McKernan, 1981, provides a detailed account
of this initiative). In this system pupils automatically transfer
at eleven to junior high schools. At age fourteen about a third
of these pupils are selected for senior high schools, which offer
a curriculum similar to that provided by grammar schools. The
remaining two-thirds of pupils either remain in the junior high
schools (in the 'Catholic' sector) or transfer to further education
colleges (in the 'Protestant' sector).
In addition, a small number of non-selective
schools have operated in certain areas of Northern Ireland since
the 1960s. Pupils automatically transfer to these non-selective
schools at eleven and can remain there for the remainder of their
secondary education careers.
Beyond Compulsory Education
The school leaving age in Northern
Ireland is sixteen years. This is the age at which most pupils
take their first public examinations (a minority sit some public
examinations a year earlier, while others leave compulsory education
without sitting any public examinations). Until 1988 the predominant
types of examinations taken were GCE O Level and CSE; in addition,
a minority of pupils, particularly in secondary schools, sat a
variety of vocational examinations such as RSA, City and Guilds
and Pitmans (see. for example, Gallagher, 1988). From 1988 onwards,
GCE O Level and CSE examinations were replaced by GCSE.
After this stage, pupils with a set minimum
level of qualifications can remain in school to work towards GCE
A Level examinations. A Levels are usually, although not exclusively,
taken in grammar or senior high schools: A Levels can be taken
in some secondary schools and in further education colleges.
Other pupils remain in school to repeat, or take extra, O Level
or other examinations, while others enter further education to
take vocational courses.
On attaining the school-leaving age pupils
may seek employment or enter Government training schemes. This
latter provision has lowered the proportion of sixteen year old
school-leavers who 'enter' unemployment, although this still occurs.
Beyond Secondary Education
The age of eighteen marks the
end, for most pupils, of secondary education. Most of those still
in secondary education at this stage take GCE A Levels. The options
following this are to enter the labour market, further education
and higher education. Within higher education there is a choice
between university, polytechnic and teacher-training. Following
the merger of the New University of Ulster and the Ulster Polytechnic
in 1984 to form the University of Ulster, there is no longer any
polytechnic provision in Northern Ireland. This option is available,
in the new universities, if pupils are prepared to migrate to
Great Britain.
Table 1: Opportunity and option in and beyond
the education system
AGE | EDUCATION
| OTHER |
3-4 | nursery
| |
| | |
5-11 | primary
| |
| | |
11-14 | grammar
| |
| secondary
| |
| junior high
| |
| non-selective
| |
| | |
14-16 | grammar
| |
| secondary
| |
| senior high
| |
| junior high
| |
| further education college
| |
| non-selective
| |
| | |
16-18 | grammar
| employment |
| secondary
| unemployment |
| senior High
| government training
|
| non-selective
| |
| further education college
| |
| | |
18+ | higher education
| employment |
| further education
| unemployment |
Return to publication contents
SECTION TEN: SCHOOLS AND COMMUNITY RELATIONS
Up to now this review has concentrated on the material differences
between the parallel religious school systems in Northern Ireland and has
examined, within each system, some of the consequences of that division.
A further question that has promoted much research concerns the extent to
which the segregated school systems have had a societal impact. This
question has been posed in two contrasting forms: firstly, does religious
division in education help to fuel social conflict? and secondly, can
education provide a vehicle towards an amelioration of social conflict?
(Boyle, 1976; Darby et al., 1977; Darby, 1978; Fulton, 1980; Dunn, 1986b;
for related research see McKeown, 1973; Russell, 1974/5; McKernan, 1982;
Harbison and Harbison, 1980; Harbison, 1983; 1989).
Segregated Schools
Few would argue that the segregated school systems produced the conflict
while few would deny any contributory role. A series of studies based in
the University of Ulster have indicated that the school systems are
segregated, that there are relatively few contacts across the divide and
that a fully integrated school system is unlikely in the foreseeable
future (Darby et al., 1977; Dunn et al. 1984).
Two basic hypotheses have been advanced on the effect of segregated
schooling (Darby and Dunn, 1987). The first, termed the cultural
hypothesis, suggests that segregated schools differ in the cultural
environment provided for children. Evidence on this is not clear: on the
one hand research on the formal curriculum of schools points to many
similarities between Protestant and Catholic schools (see sections 2 and
5). On the other hand there has been relatively little research on the
more abstract notions of 'school ethos' and the 'hidden curriculum' of
schools. Darby and Dunn (1987) suggest this is largely because 'the
earlier research had reached the classroom door, but had not entered. The
difficulty of examining the teaching of controversial subjects alongside
the teacher has proved too great' (p.88).
The second hypothesis regarding the effect of segregated schools, termed
the social hypothesis, suggests that the fact of separation is what
matters. This view holds that, regardless of similarities in what is
taught in the schools, segregated schooling initiates children into the
conflict by emphasising and validating group differences and hostilities,
and encouraging mutual ignorance and, perhaps more importantly, mutual
suspicion (Murray, 1983; 1985a; 1985b).
Integrated Schools
There have been numerous calls for integrated education (see for example,
Fraser, 1974; Heskin, 1980; Spence, 1987). Such calls are often based on
some variant of the 'contact hypothesis', that is the idea that contact
between members of opposing groups can, under certain conditions,
ameliorate the conflict (Hewstone and Brown, 1986; Trew, 1986; 1989).
Perhaps one of the most significant educational developments of the 1980s
has been the growth of an 'integrated sector' in Northern Ireland:
currently there are five planned integrated post-primary schools and
sixteen such primary schools, a rate of development that has surprised
some of those favourably disposed towards integration (Darby and Dunn,
1987). The number of these schools is likely to continue to rise
(Moffatt, 1993).
Alternative Strategies for Encouraging Community Relations
Despite this, it is clear that if education is to make some contribution
to better community relations then the available options range wider than
between a segregated status quo and integration (Dunn and Morgan, 1988).
Indeed, setting the discussion in such stark terms may be
counter-productive in that some may perceive integration as covert
assimilation and a threat to identity.
In practice three strategies have been advanced (see Dunn, 1986b, for a
more detailed discussion of these). The first involves action within
schools, usually aimed at curricular initiatives. Examples of such
initiatives include the Schools Curriculum Project, developed in the
Queen's University of Belfast in 1973, and the Schools Cultural Studies
Project, developed in the New University of Ulster in 1974 (see Skilbeck,
1973; Malone, 1973; O'Connor, 1980). More recently the Northern Ireland
Council for Educational Development produced guidelines for Education for
Mutual Understanding (EMU) which deals with, among other things,
community relations issues (see also below).
The second strategy works also within the already existing schools system
but attempts to promote inter-school links with a view to promoting
reconciliatory attitudes. Over the years such attempts have often had an
ad hoc character, relying on the involvement of a small number of
motivated teachers for their success. Also, such links often do not
appear to directly address community relations issues. A study based in
the Centre for the Study of Conflict developed a model for inter-school
links which aimed to give these links a greater degree of permanence by
becoming institutionalised in school life (Dunn and Smith, 1989; Smith
and Dunn, 1990). This project, involving primary and post-primary schools
in a small market town in the west of the province, was supported by the
Western Education and Library Board.
The third strategy involves the development of integrated schools and, as
indicated above, this strategy has led to the development of what can now
be described as an 'integrated sector'. It is significant, however, that
all but two of the planned integrated schools are new schools, rather
than old schools changing their status. In a period of falling school
enrolments, with primary and secondary schools closing down. it is much
harder to open new schools without causing resentment.
The Education Reform Order (1989) adopted elements of all three
strategies. Under the common curriculum Education for Mutual
Understanding (EMU) and Cultural Heritage became compulsory
cross-curricular themes: all schools, in other words, are required to
reflect some community relations elements in their curriculum. Under the
theme of EMU schools are encouraged, but not required, to participate in
joint school activities. Funding for this work is available from the DENI
Cross Community Contact Scheme. The ERO also obligated government to
support initiatives towards the development of integrated schools. In
addition, the parents of pupils in any existing Protestant or Catholic
school can vote to change the status of the school to an integrated school.
If this represents the current policy context, what evidence do we have
for the practical consequences of this context? As indicated above the
number of integrated schools has increased and it seems not unrealistic
to suggest that within a number of years a significant proportion of
parents will have the option of choosing an integrated school for their
children. More generally, the rest of the school system might benefit
from the experience of integrated schools, both in the curricular
initiatives they are developing and from their management systems which
accord a significant role for parents. Under the Cross Community Contact
Scheme about a third of all primary schools and a half of all
post-primary schools are currently engaged in contact programmes: this is
particularly striking when it is remembered that in the early 1980s only
a handful of such programmes existed. EMU and Cultural Heritage are now
established and a wealth of materials and expertise is available for
schools to draw upon.
Thus far we have seen the positive side of the developments, but there is
another side. Despite the large number of contact programmes there has,
as yet, been no systematic evaluation of their consequences. A major
evaluation of EMU has identified some problems at a system level (Smith
and Robinson, 1992), but also indicated examples of good practice and has
contributed to the enhancement of these curricular initiatives. That
said, there is little systematic evidence yet available on EMU and
Cultural Heritage at the classroom level: anecdotal evidence suggests
that, in some places, these themes have been given a lesser priority than
other areas of the curriculum, not least because of the extent to change
in recent years and the particular pressure provided by assessment. In
addition, there appears to be a widespread view among teachers that EMU
is only really about contact programmes.
Lest an unduly negative picture emerge from these comments, it should be
kept in mind that the priority accorded to community relations work
within the education system in Northern Ireland is higher now than at any
stage in the past. This commitment by government is reinforced by
significant amounts of money, and the energy and commitment of a host of
other public and voluntary organisations. The research priority now is to
identify that which works best and enhance it, while filling in the gaps
in evidence which continue to exist.
Return to publication contents
SECTION ELEVEN: BIBLIOGRAPHY
This section includes a detailed bibliography of published books and
articles dealing with education in Northern Ireland, with specific
reference to the comparative conditions of the two main communities.
Further details on journal articles can be found in the British Education
Index. In addition, details on current education research projects can be
found in the Register of research on Northern Ireland (Ciarán
Ó Máolain, (Ed), Coleraine: University of Ulster, 1993).
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