Majority Minority Review 1: Education in a Divided Society
Centre for the Study of Conflict
School of History, Philosophy and Politics,
Faculty of Humanities, University of Ulster


Education in a Divided Society frontispiece

Majority Minority Review 1: Education in a Divided Society

by A M Gallagher
Published by the University of Ulster, Coleraine 1995, second edition.
ISBN 1 85923 003 2
Paperback 81pp £4.00


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University of Ulster
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Majority Minority Review 1
Second Edition

Education in a Divided Society
A Review of Research and Policy

by A M Gallagher

Centre for the Study of Conflict
University of Ulster


CONTENTS
Preface

Foreword

Section 1
Opportunity and Option

Section 2
Primary Schools

Section 3
Selection at Eleven

Section 4
Post-Primary Schools

Section 5
The Curriculum of Post-Primary Schools

Section 6
Pupil Performance

Section 7
After School

Section 8
Higher Education

Section 9
Teachers

Section 10
Schools and Community Relations

Section 11
Bibliography


PREFACE

The Centre for the Study of Conflict is a research centre based in the University of Ulster. Its main work is the promotion and encouragement of research on the community conflict and to this end it concentrates on practical issues to do with institutional and community structures and change. It publishes papers and books arising out of this work including: a series of research papers particularly designed to make available research data and reports; a series of Majority-Minority reports; and a series of occasional papers by distinguished academics in the field of conflict.

This is a republication of A. M. Gallagher's paper on Education and Religion in Northern Ireland. It has been out of print for some time and is still much in demand. It is one of a set of new publications which the Centre will produce over the next few months, on topics such as Education for Mutual Understanding, Peace Education, Sport, Parades, the Role of the Police and Classroom Mediation.

Seamus Dunn
June 1995.

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FOREWORD

The Majority Minority review is a series published by the Centre for the Study of Conflict, University of Ulster. The series reviews published research on the comparative material conditions of the two main communities in Northern Ireland. Issues of the Review to date have examined evidence on education, employment and unemployment, and housing. Issues under preparation will consider deprivation and health, and the administration of justice. The aim of the series is to provide an impartial commentary which will inform readers of up-to-date research findings and enable them to monitor developments over a period of time. The Centre for the Study of Conflict has a long-term commitment to publish the Review.

Since the first issue of the Review was published in 1989 a number of significant changes have occurred in the education system in Northern Ireland. It was considered appropriate, therefore, to issue a second edition of that report. The most significant change has been the passage of the Education Reform Order (ERO) (1989), a legislative development in many ways comparable with the sea-change initiated by the Education Act (1947). The ERO introduced many of the education reforms established in England and Wales under the Education Reform Act (1988), but included a number of important features that were particular to the context of Northern Ireland. Thus, the education reforms include a common curriculum, local management of schools, a higher degree of school choice for parents and, in order to inform choice, a larger amount of educational data in the public domain. The features more specific to Northern Ireland include the option for parents in an existing school to vote to change its status to an integrated school, a commitment on the part of government to encourage the development of more integrated schools and the incorporation of two cross-curricular themes linked to community relations issues (Education for Mutual Understanding (EMU) and Cultural Heritage) into the common curriculum. In addition, contact programmes between Protestant and Catholic schools are encouraged, although not mandated, under EMU and is supported by funds from the department of Education (DENI). It will be seen in many sections of this report that a high priority for future research will be to monitor and evaluate the impact of these reforms, a task that will be simpler than in the past because of the new availability of information and data.

Another important change has occurred in DENI policy towards the parallel religious school systems since the last report was completed. Following a series of research studies funded by the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights (SACHR) the DENI permitted schools other than controlled and integrated schools to receive 100 per cent capital grants if they agreed to a change in the composition of their governing bodies. In addition, the DENI agreed to monitor the impact of policy and practice on the parallel religious school systems and the integrated sector. Additional funds were found to increase the number of places in the Catholic grammar sector and changes were made to the arrangements for the recovery of grant when a school is closed or replaced. The research funded by SACHR, and detailed in its annual reports to parliament, covered research into each of these specific policy areas, but went much further in providing a wide range of data on many current aspects of the education system in Northern Ireland and how that system has developed. SACHR's continuing interest in this area is not focused on school performance and school effectiveness.

Since the previous edition of this report a significant number of research publications have been produced: many of the main publications were consulted for this second edition and can be found in the bibliography. More generally, five books have been published in this period and anyone wishing to gain more detailed information on current debates and developments in the education system in Northern Ireland will find much valuable information included in them. Caul (1990) provides a series of chapters on various aspects of the school system in Northern Ireland, while Osborne, Cormack and Gallagher (1993) and Caul (1993) focus more specifically on the situation since the education reforms were introduced. The book by Moffatt (1993) provides the most detailed account of the integrated sector in Northern Ireland, including evidence on its development, practice and consequences, while Gillespie, Lovett and Gamer (1992) provide a valuable insight into youth culture in West Belfast. The Centre for the Study of Conflict continues to publish research reports on various aspects of education in Northern Ireland: a full list of centre reports is included at the end of the bibliography.

AM Gallagher,
July 1994.

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SECTION ONE: OPPORTUNITY AND OPTION

This section presents a brief summary of the structure of Northern Ireland's educational system and the choices available to pupils at various stages within the system. Table 1 summarises the opportunities and options available to pupils and provides a basis for the following discussion. It should be noted that the period of compulsory education begins at about the age of five and ends at the age of sixteen. The majority of pupils in Northern Ireland will experience seven years of primary education and five years of post-primary education.

Pre-school Children
Nursery education is not compulsory and provision is therefore limited. A report by the Northern Ireland Council for Educational Research (NICER) estimated that in 1985 nursery places were available for 13% of the three and four year olds in Northern Ireland (Wells and Burke, 1986; see also, Foote, 1980d). These places were available in 140 nursery schools and units which were concentrated in urban areas, particularly Belfast, (London)Derry, Newtownabbey and Craigavon. The majority (70%) of the nurseries had been opened between 1974 and 1980. Given the interest of the present study, it should be noted that 3 in every 4 of these nurseries were in the Controlled (Protestant) sector while the remainder were under Maintained (Catholic) management committees.

The 1947 Education Act
The structure of the education system in Northern Ireland has been largely shaped by the 1947 Education Act. Prior to the Act most people experienced only primary education, in the National Elementary Schools. A minority went onto secondary (grammar) schools. Entry to these schools was obtained by paying fees or gaining one of a limited number of scholarships, offered through competitive examinations by the Ministry of Education.

The central feature of the 1947 Act was to provide secondary education for all pupils with the age of transfer from primary to secondary set at eleven years (Wilson, 1987).

Following the 1944 Act in England and Wales, the Northern Ireland Act recognised three types of secondary school: secondary grammar, secondary technical and secondary intermediate. In fact the secondary technical schools failed to attract a significant number of pupils so that by the late 1950s and early 1960s a bilateral system of secondary education became established. The two school types in the bilateral system are normally referred to simply as grammar and secondary schools.

The Growth of Secondary Education
After 1947 grammar schools continued to charge fees for pupils. Since the Act provided each child with the opportunity of a grammar school education, the Ministry of Education operated a selection procedure in order to identify those pupils most able for the academic curriculum of the grammar schools. Pupils selected under the procedure would have their fees paid for by the Ministry. The grammar schools were permitted to continue to take a limited number of fee-paying pupils.

Unlike the rest of the United Kingdom, selection at eleven remains the predominant form of transfer from primary to secondary education in Northern Ireland. Between 1981 and 1985, for example, some 90% of pupils were involved with the selective procedure. The remaining 10% of pupils were involved with alternative transfer systems available in Northern Ireland (Wilson, 1986).

In 1969 a system of delayed selection was established in the Craigavon area (McKernan, 1981, provides a detailed account of this initiative). In this system pupils automatically transfer at eleven to junior high schools. At age fourteen about a third of these pupils are selected for senior high schools, which offer a curriculum similar to that provided by grammar schools. The remaining two-thirds of pupils either remain in the junior high schools (in the 'Catholic' sector) or transfer to further education colleges (in the 'Protestant' sector).

In addition, a small number of non-selective schools have operated in certain areas of Northern Ireland since the 1960s. Pupils automatically transfer to these non-selective schools at eleven and can remain there for the remainder of their secondary education careers.

Beyond Compulsory Education
The school leaving age in Northern Ireland is sixteen years. This is the age at which most pupils take their first public examinations (a minority sit some public examinations a year earlier, while others leave compulsory education without sitting any public examinations). Until 1988 the predominant types of examinations taken were GCE O Level and CSE; in addition, a minority of pupils, particularly in secondary schools, sat a variety of vocational examinations such as RSA, City and Guilds and Pitmans (see. for example, Gallagher, 1988). From 1988 onwards, GCE O Level and CSE examinations were replaced by GCSE.

After this stage, pupils with a set minimum level of qualifications can remain in school to work towards GCE A Level examinations. A Levels are usually, although not exclusively, taken in grammar or senior high schools: A Levels can be taken in some secondary schools and in further education colleges. Other pupils remain in school to repeat, or take extra, O Level or other examinations, while others enter further education to take vocational courses.

On attaining the school-leaving age pupils may seek employment or enter Government training schemes. This latter provision has lowered the proportion of sixteen year old school-leavers who 'enter' unemployment, although this still occurs.

Beyond Secondary Education
The age of eighteen marks the end, for most pupils, of secondary education. Most of those still in secondary education at this stage take GCE A Levels. The options following this are to enter the labour market, further education and higher education. Within higher education there is a choice between university, polytechnic and teacher-training. Following the merger of the New University of Ulster and the Ulster Polytechnic in 1984 to form the University of Ulster, there is no longer any polytechnic provision in Northern Ireland. This option is available, in the new universities, if pupils are prepared to migrate to Great Britain.

Table 1: Opportunity and option in and beyond the education system

AGEEDUCATION OTHER
3-4nursery
5-11primary
11-14grammar
secondary
junior high
non-selective
14-16grammar
secondary
senior high
junior high
further education college
non-selective
16-18grammar employment
secondary unemployment
senior High government training
non-selective
further education college
18+higher education employment
further education unemployment

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SECTION TEN: SCHOOLS AND COMMUNITY RELATIONS

Up to now this review has concentrated on the material differences between the parallel religious school systems in Northern Ireland and has examined, within each system, some of the consequences of that division. A further question that has promoted much research concerns the extent to which the segregated school systems have had a societal impact. This question has been posed in two contrasting forms: firstly, does religious division in education help to fuel social conflict? and secondly, can education provide a vehicle towards an amelioration of social conflict? (Boyle, 1976; Darby et al., 1977; Darby, 1978; Fulton, 1980; Dunn, 1986b; for related research see McKeown, 1973; Russell, 1974/5; McKernan, 1982; Harbison and Harbison, 1980; Harbison, 1983; 1989).

Segregated Schools

Few would argue that the segregated school systems produced the conflict while few would deny any contributory role. A series of studies based in the University of Ulster have indicated that the school systems are segregated, that there are relatively few contacts across the divide and that a fully integrated school system is unlikely in the foreseeable future (Darby et al., 1977; Dunn et al. 1984).

Two basic hypotheses have been advanced on the effect of segregated schooling (Darby and Dunn, 1987). The first, termed the cultural hypothesis, suggests that segregated schools differ in the cultural environment provided for children. Evidence on this is not clear: on the one hand research on the formal curriculum of schools points to many similarities between Protestant and Catholic schools (see sections 2 and 5). On the other hand there has been relatively little research on the more abstract notions of 'school ethos' and the 'hidden curriculum' of schools. Darby and Dunn (1987) suggest this is largely because 'the earlier research had reached the classroom door, but had not entered. The difficulty of examining the teaching of controversial subjects alongside the teacher has proved too great' (p.88).

The second hypothesis regarding the effect of segregated schools, termed the social hypothesis, suggests that the fact of separation is what matters. This view holds that, regardless of similarities in what is taught in the schools, segregated schooling initiates children into the conflict by emphasising and validating group differences and hostilities, and encouraging mutual ignorance and, perhaps more importantly, mutual suspicion (Murray, 1983; 1985a; 1985b).

Integrated Schools

There have been numerous calls for integrated education (see for example, Fraser, 1974; Heskin, 1980; Spence, 1987). Such calls are often based on some variant of the 'contact hypothesis', that is the idea that contact between members of opposing groups can, under certain conditions, ameliorate the conflict (Hewstone and Brown, 1986; Trew, 1986; 1989). Perhaps one of the most significant educational developments of the 1980s has been the growth of an 'integrated sector' in Northern Ireland: currently there are five planned integrated post-primary schools and sixteen such primary schools, a rate of development that has surprised some of those favourably disposed towards integration (Darby and Dunn, 1987). The number of these schools is likely to continue to rise (Moffatt, 1993).

Alternative Strategies for Encouraging Community Relations

Despite this, it is clear that if education is to make some contribution to better community relations then the available options range wider than between a segregated status quo and integration (Dunn and Morgan, 1988). Indeed, setting the discussion in such stark terms may be counter-productive in that some may perceive integration as covert assimilation and a threat to identity.

In practice three strategies have been advanced (see Dunn, 1986b, for a more detailed discussion of these). The first involves action within schools, usually aimed at curricular initiatives. Examples of such initiatives include the Schools Curriculum Project, developed in the Queen's University of Belfast in 1973, and the Schools Cultural Studies Project, developed in the New University of Ulster in 1974 (see Skilbeck, 1973; Malone, 1973; O'Connor, 1980). More recently the Northern Ireland Council for Educational Development produced guidelines for Education for Mutual Understanding (EMU) which deals with, among other things, community relations issues (see also below).

The second strategy works also within the already existing schools system but attempts to promote inter-school links with a view to promoting reconciliatory attitudes. Over the years such attempts have often had an ad hoc character, relying on the involvement of a small number of motivated teachers for their success. Also, such links often do not appear to directly address community relations issues. A study based in the Centre for the Study of Conflict developed a model for inter-school links which aimed to give these links a greater degree of permanence by becoming institutionalised in school life (Dunn and Smith, 1989; Smith and Dunn, 1990). This project, involving primary and post-primary schools in a small market town in the west of the province, was supported by the Western Education and Library Board.

The third strategy involves the development of integrated schools and, as indicated above, this strategy has led to the development of what can now be described as an 'integrated sector'. It is significant, however, that all but two of the planned integrated schools are new schools, rather than old schools changing their status. In a period of falling school enrolments, with primary and secondary schools closing down. it is much harder to open new schools without causing resentment.

The Education Reform Order (1989) adopted elements of all three strategies. Under the common curriculum Education for Mutual Understanding (EMU) and Cultural Heritage became compulsory cross-curricular themes: all schools, in other words, are required to reflect some community relations elements in their curriculum. Under the theme of EMU schools are encouraged, but not required, to participate in joint school activities. Funding for this work is available from the DENI Cross Community Contact Scheme. The ERO also obligated government to support initiatives towards the development of integrated schools. In addition, the parents of pupils in any existing Protestant or Catholic school can vote to change the status of the school to an integrated school.

If this represents the current policy context, what evidence do we have for the practical consequences of this context? As indicated above the number of integrated schools has increased and it seems not unrealistic to suggest that within a number of years a significant proportion of parents will have the option of choosing an integrated school for their children. More generally, the rest of the school system might benefit from the experience of integrated schools, both in the curricular initiatives they are developing and from their management systems which accord a significant role for parents. Under the Cross Community Contact Scheme about a third of all primary schools and a half of all post-primary schools are currently engaged in contact programmes: this is particularly striking when it is remembered that in the early 1980s only a handful of such programmes existed. EMU and Cultural Heritage are now established and a wealth of materials and expertise is available for schools to draw upon.

Thus far we have seen the positive side of the developments, but there is another side. Despite the large number of contact programmes there has, as yet, been no systematic evaluation of their consequences. A major evaluation of EMU has identified some problems at a system level (Smith and Robinson, 1992), but also indicated examples of good practice and has contributed to the enhancement of these curricular initiatives. That said, there is little systematic evidence yet available on EMU and Cultural Heritage at the classroom level: anecdotal evidence suggests that, in some places, these themes have been given a lesser priority than other areas of the curriculum, not least because of the extent to change in recent years and the particular pressure provided by assessment. In addition, there appears to be a widespread view among teachers that EMU is only really about contact programmes.

Lest an unduly negative picture emerge from these comments, it should be kept in mind that the priority accorded to community relations work within the education system in Northern Ireland is higher now than at any stage in the past. This commitment by government is reinforced by significant amounts of money, and the energy and commitment of a host of other public and voluntary organisations. The research priority now is to identify that which works best and enhance it, while filling in the gaps in evidence which continue to exist.

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SECTION ELEVEN: BIBLIOGRAPHY

This section includes a detailed bibliography of published books and articles dealing with education in Northern Ireland, with specific reference to the comparative conditions of the two main communities. Further details on journal articles can be found in the British Education Index. In addition, details on current education research projects can be found in the Register of research on Northern Ireland (Ciarán Ó Máolain, (Ed), Coleraine: University of Ulster, 1993).

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